Joan of Arc Page 5

  Now, on the subject of Colet de Vienne we have absolutely no documentary evidence excepting in the depositions set down above. And understandably, for he was a King’s messenger, indeed, but only one among many, nuntius regis, whose function it was to carry letters and dispatches addressed by the King to his captains and his good towns, an office very little superior to that of any procurator (procureur) or royal sergeant. His presence in Vaucouleurs was perfectly natural since the town’s commanding officer had remained loyal to the King of France and, despite the disturbed times, messengers had never ceased to move freely about whether to Vaucouleurs or even as far as Tournai which had also remained loyal. (On this subject see Charles Samaran’s Pour la defence de Jeanne d’Arc, in the Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire; de France, Vol. LXXXV, 1953, pp. 50–63.)

  Yet another theory: Jean de Metz and Bertrand de Poulengy according to this one, had been members of “the Queen of Sicily’s entourage”. The bastardy idea has been dropped, at this point, and in default of making Joan out to be a royal bastard, an attempt is made to turn her into somebody’s “instrument”. Note that even in her own day a Burgundian chronicler had tried to discredit her by representing her as Baudricourt’s tool. (Jean de Wavrin, Q IV, 407.) The idea now—for the theory is quite recent—is to represent her as the instrument of the Queen of Sicily, Yolande of Aragon, who became Yolande of Anjou when she married Louis of Anjou, and so mother-in-law to Charles VII who married her daughter, Marie of Anjou. For the purposes of the theory here in question she is called Yolande of Bar, a name she never bore but which had been her mother’s before she married the King of Aragon. Yolande had received the Duchy of Bar as a legacy from her mother, and in 1419 she succeeded in marrying her son René (the future King René) to the heiress of Lorraine, Isabelle, daughter of Duke Charles—the same Charles as had sent for Joan, hoping for a miracle which would restore his health. Their wedding was celebrated in 1420.

  That Joan was, in fact, a native of the Lorraine-Barrois region might have made Yolande of Aragon—who, however, had never been to Lorraine in her life—regard her with benevolent interest. But to represent Jean de Metz and Bertrand de Poulengy as being “of the Queen of Sicily’s entourage” is to assert what no document justifies. Jean de Metz was a native of Novellompont, in the Messin country, which was never part of the Duchy of Lorraine; it is well known that Metz and its district were independent, and owed allegiance to the Empire. A simple gentleman of Baudricourt’s suite, Jean de Metz was only very belatedly enobled by Charles VII (see the lettre d’anoblisement in QV363) in 1448, that is nearly twenty years after the famous ride which ought, however, to have drawn the King’s attention to him. As for Bertrand de Poulengy, who, at the Trial of Rehabilitation was still a mere esquire, he makes no other appearance in history whatsoever.

  We repeat, history is not made of suppositions but of documents. No document establishes any kind of action, direct or indirect, on the part of either Charles VII or Yolande of Aragon, designed to “bring” Joan to Chinon. As for Baudricourt, all we have touching his personal action in the matter are the documents we have quoted, and these show him twice sending Joan away before he—like everybody else—lets himself be won over by her.

  Joan, to convince her own entourage, was not afraid to invoke the prophecies which were going the rounds. It was widely claimed that the kingdom lost by a woman (identified, of course, as the calamitous Isabeau of Bavaria) would be saved by a virgin; a prophecy of Merlin’s was commonly invoked—it told of a virgin who would ride on the back of Sagittarius, etc. In all such times of troubles prophetic sayings are invoked; we do not have to seek far back for an example; it suffices to remind ourselves of a certain “prophecy of Saint Odile” which everybody heard about between 1940 and 1945. . . . That Joan should have made use of it to convince her following proves nothing but that she was clever and knew how to turn everything to account to gain her point; it is worth noting that when dealing with Jean de Metz, or with the King, her language was of a very different order.

  One final point: many have wondered how she came to be able to ride a horse. The question becomes pointless to anyone who, even in our own time, has watched Lorraine farm-girls, perched on the backs of the massive horses of that horse-and-cattle-breeding country, taking the cattle to water. At a time when the horse was the only means of locomotion it is obvious that Joan must have been riding her father’s, and riding them astride, since her childhood. When she protested against the summons of her voices, saying that she did not know how to ride, it is important to note that she used a term translated into Latin as equitare, which means to ride a warhorse, a very different matter from knowing how to sit an ordinary horse. That, indeed, she did not know how to do, but it does not seem very extraordinary that she should subsequently have learnt the art; easier, surely, and at all events, than delivering the City of Orleans!

  * Or, possibly, “Godfather”. E.H.

  † i.e., of the “Burgundian” Party.

  * Dimanche des Bures. First Sunday in Lent. In 1429 this fell on February 12th.

  3

  JOAN BEFORE THE DAUPHIN

  Question: The said Joan then says that she reached him whom she calls her King without obstacle. [Thus the record of the Trial of Condemnation.]

  JOAN: When I came to the town of Sainte-Catherine de Fierbois, then I sent (wrote) to my King; then I went to the town of Château-Chinon where my King is.* I reached there at about noon and took lodging at an inn (hotellerie). And after a meal I went to my King who was in the castle. When I entered my King’s room, I knew him among the others by the counsel of my voice which revealed him to me. I told my King that I wanted to go and make war against the English.

  Question: When the voice showed you him you call the King, was there any light in that place?

  JOAN: Pass that question.

  Question: Did you see an angel over your King?

  JOAN: Spare me that and pass the question. Before my King put me to work, he himself had had many apparitions and some beautiful revelations.

  Question: What revelations and apparitions did your King have?

  JOAN: I shall not tell you that. I shall not answer you, but send to my King and he will tell you. The voice had promised me that, as soon as I came to the King, he himself would receive me. (C.51–52)

  To appreciate exactly the value of Joan’s evidence at the Trial of Condemnation concerning her revelations and in general her acts touching the King of France, it is necessary, in the first place, to glance at the court’s opening session when Bishop Cauchon tried to get her to swear to speak the truth: “Swear to speak the truth on all that will be asked of you concerning matters of the faith and that which you know.”

  JOAN: Of my father, of my mother and of all that I have done since I came to France I will willingly swear, but of the revelations which have been made to me by God’s means, never have I said or revealed anything to anyone whatsoever, excepting it be to Charles only, my King, and I will not reveal them though it cost me my head. I have orders from my visions and my secret counsel to reveal them to nobody.

  To this prohibition she was to return more than once.

  JOAN: I will willingly tell you whatsoever I have received permission from God to reveal: but as to that touching the revelations concerning the King of France, I will not tell it without the permission of my voices. (C.70)

  And again:

  JOAN: There are some revelations which go to* the King of France and not to those who are questioning me. (C.72)

  It is very obvious that it was precisely on this point that the Rouen judges would have liked to receive exact answers; they were conducting a trial which, over and beyond Joan herself, was aimed at belittling the King of France. We shall see below, in the detail of her examination during the trial, how Joan evaded such questions. For the time being it will be enough simply to note that in anything concerning her relations with the King and the manner of her reception by him, nothing decisive can b
e gathered from the evidence at the Trial of Condemnation.

  Question: Was there an angel above the King’s head when you saw him for the first time?

  JOAN: By Saint Mary! if there was I know nothing of it and did not see him.

  Question: Was there any light there?

  JOAN: There were present more than three hundred knights and some fifty torches, not to mention the spiritual light. And rarely had I revelation but there was light.

  Question: How came the King to have faith in what you said?

  JOAN: He himself had good countersigns,* and through the clergy.

  Question: What revelations did your King have?

  JOAN: You will not have that out of me this year. I was questioned for three weeks by the clergy of the towns of Chinon and of Poitiers. And the King had a sign of my matters before he would believe me, and the clerics of my party were of this opinion, that it seemed to them that in my matter was nothing but good.

  Question: Have you been to Sainte-Catherine de Fierbois?

  JOAN: Yes. There I heard three masses in one day and thereafter I went to the town of Chinon. I sent letters to my King in which it was contained that I sent them to know if I could enter the town where my King was, and that I had made my way one hundred and fifty leagues to come to him and bring him succour, and that I knew many things (to the) good touching him, and I believe that in the same letters it was contained that I should know the King well (from) among all others. (C.65)

  Eye-witnesses of the scene at Chinon testified to what they remembered at the Trial of Rehabilitation. Raoul de Gaucourt, grand master of the King’s household, eighty-five years of age or thereabouts: “I was present in the castle and town of Chinon when the Maid arrived, and I saw her when she presented herself before the royal majesty, with much humility and great simplicity, the poor little shepherdess, and I heard the following words which she spoke to the King: ‘Very noble Lord Dauphin, I am come and am sent by God, to bring succour to you and your kingdom.’ The King, having seen and heard her, to be better informed of her matter, ordered that she be placed in the keeping of Guillaume Bellier, Master of his house (major domo), bailiff of Troyes, and his Lieutenant at Chinon, whose wife was a most devout woman and of most excellent good fame.” (R.11)

  Simon Charles, President of the Chamber of Accounts: “The year when Joan went to seek the King, I had been sent by him with an embassy to Venice and I returned about the month of March. At the time I heard Jean de Metz, who had escorted Joan, say that she was with the King. I know that, when Joan arrived in Chinon, there was deliberation in counsel to decide whether the King should hear her or not. To start with they sent to ask her why she was come and what she was asking for. She was unwilling to say anything without having spoken to the King, yet was she constrained by the King to say the reasons for her mission. She said that she had two (reasons) for which she had a mandate from the King of Heaven; one, to raise the siege of Orleans, the other to lead the King to Rheims for his sacring. Which being heard, some of the King’s counsellors said that the King should on no account have faith in Joan (believe her), and the others that since she said that she was sent by God, and that she had something to say to the King, the King should at least hear her.

  “However, it was the King’s will that she be first examined by clerks and churchmen, which was done. And at last, albeit with difficulties, it was decided that the King would listen to her. When she entered the castle of Chinon to come into his presence, the King, on the advice of the principal courtiers, hesitated to speak to her until the moment when it was reported that Robert de Baudricourt had written to him that he was sending him a woman and that she had been conducted through the territory of the King’s enemies; and that, in a manner quasi-miraculous, she had crossed many rivers by their fords, to reach the King. Because of this the King was pressed to hear her and Joan was granted an audience. When the King knew that she was coming, he withdrew apart from the others. Joan, however, knew him at once and made him a reverence and spoke to him for some time. After having heard her, the King appeared radiant. Thereafter, still not wishing to do anything without having the advice of churchmen, he sent Joan to Poitiers that she be examined by the clerks of the University of Poitiers. When he knew that she had been examined and it was reported to him that they had found nothing but what was good in her, the King had arms (armour) made for her and entrusted her to his men of war, and she was given command in the matter of the war.” (R.102–104)

  Louis de Coutes, Joan’s page: “The year when Joan came to the King in the town of Chinon, I was fourteen or fifteen years old and served and dwelt with the lord of Gaucourt who was captain of the place of Chinon. At that time Joan arrived at the place of Chinon with two men and she was taken to the King. I often saw Joan going in to the King and returning thence.

  A lodging was assigned to her in a tower of the castle of Couldray, and I lived in that tower with Joan. And all the time she was there I was continuously with her during the day. At night, she had women with her. And well do I remember that at the time she dwelt in Couldray tower, several times men of high rank came to converse with Joan. What they did or said I know not, for always, when I saw these men arrive, I went away and I do not know who they were. At that time, when I was with Joan in that tower, I often saw Joan on bended knees and engaged in prayer, as it seemed to me. However, I was never able to hear what she said, although sometimes she wept. Then, Joan was taken to the town of Poitiers, then came back (and) to Tours, in the house of a person named Lapau.”

  Jean, Duke of Alençon—a prince of the blood royal, in 1429 he was twenty-five years old, and just returned from five years’ captivity, having been taken prisoner at the battle of Verneuil in 1424. He had been released upon payment of a very heavy ransom. His great-grandfather, who was killed at Crécy, was the grandson of Philippe the Bold, King of France: “When Joan came seeking the King, the latter was in the town of Chinon and I in the town of Saint-Florent (Saint Florent-les-Saumur). I was out shooting quail when a messenger came to tell me that there was come to the King a maid who affirmed that she was sent by God to drive out the English, and to raise the siege which was laid by the English to Orleans. That was why, on the morrow, I went to the King who was in the town of Chinon and I found Joan talking with the King. When I drew near, Joan asked who I was and the King replied that I was the Duke of Alençon. Thereupon, Joan said: ‘You, be very welcome. The more they shall be together (who are) of the blood royal of France, the better will it be.’ And on the morrow Joan came to the King’s mass, and as she saw the Kings he bowed and the King took Joan into a chamber and I was with him and the Lord of la Tremoïlle whom the King kept with him, telling the others to withdraw. Then Joan made several requests of the King,* among others that he give his Kingdom to the King of Heaven, and that the King of Heaven after that gift would do unto him as He had done unto his predecessors and would restore him to his original estate; and many other things which I do not remember were said until the time of the meal. And after the meal the King went out to walk in the meadows and Joan galloped a-tilt with a lance, and I seeing her behave in this manner, bearing a lance, and tilting, I gave her a horse. Thereafter, the King came to the conclusion that Joan should be examined by some churchmen. To this end were deputed the bishop of Castres, confessor to the King (Gérard Machet), the bishop of Senlis (Simon Bonnet, bishop of Senlis in 1456), those of Maguellone and Poitiers (Hugues de Combarel) Master Pierre of Versailles, thereafter bishop of Meaux, and Master Jean Morin and several others whose names I do not recall. They questioned Joan in my presence: why she was come and who had made her come to the King. She answered that she was come on the King of Heaven’s behalf and that she had voices and a counsel that told her what she was to do, but of that I remember no more. But afterwards Joan, who took her meal with me, told me that she had been very closely examined but that she knew and could do more than she had said to those who questioned her. Once he had heard the report of those delegated to e
xamine her, it was the King’s will that Joan go to the town of Poitiers and that there she be examined again. But I was not present at the examination in the town of Poitiers. I only know that thereafter in the King’s council it was reported that those who had examined her had said that they had found nothing in her contrary to the Catholic faith and that, considering his necessity, the King could make use of her to help him.” (R.102–148)

  Jean d’Aulon, Knight, King’s Counsellor and Seneschal of Beaucaire: “It was about twenty-eight years ago, the King our sire being in the town of Poitiers, I was told that the Maid, who had set out from Lorraine, had been brought to the said lord by two gentlemen calling themselves Messire Robert de Baudricourt’s men, one called Bertrand and the other Jean of Metz. And to see her I went to the place of Poitiers.

  “After the presentation, spake the Maid with the King, our sire, secretly and told him certain secret things, the which I know not, but that, a little later, that Lord sent to fetch some who were of his council, among whom I was, to whom he said that the Maid had told him that she was sent by God to help him to receive his kingdom which at that time and for the most part was occupied by the English, his ancient enemies.

  “After these words announced by the King to the people of his Council, it was decided to interrogate the Maid, who was then aged about sixteen or thereabouts, on certain points touching the faith. To do this the King sent for certain masters of theology, jurists and other expert men who examined and questioned her on these points well and diligently. I was present in Council when these masters made their report of what they had found about the Maid and (it) was by one of them publicly said that they saw, knew nor were aware of anything in this Maid soever but only all that can be in a good Christian and true Catholic and that as such they held her (to be), and it was their opinion that she was a very good person.” (R. 155–156)