Joan of Arc Read online

  Moreover, before the hypothesis in question is received, it would be necessary to show that all the texts and documents in which the manner of Joan’s advent is so clearly revealed, as well as her origins, are false and perhaps forged; and that all the historians and learned men, deeply read in the relevant fifteenth-century texts, have been mistaken.

  * William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk.

  † i.e., “rightful heir.”

  ‡ veuillent on ne veuillent.

  * Literally “war people”.

  †Page 96 of the Quicherat edition.

  * A low door in the ramparts opening to the Loire bank.

  † Watch or guard turrets.

  ‡ At thew east point of the town on the Loire.

  * gens de trait—E.H.

  * Poton de Xaitrailles.

  * or Bourgoyne

  * In the sense “by virtue of”; i.e., not her goodness but the spirit of God in her.—E.H.

  * Of the Tourelles bastion.—E.H.

  * The translation is not good but gives the sense, the simplicity and the tolling effect of repeating not only rhyme but the same words.—E.H.

  * Batons—E.H.

  5

  THE ROAD TO RHEIMS

  The Bastard of Orleans: “After the deliverance of Orleans, the Maid, with me and the other captains of war, went to seek the King who was at the castle of Loches, to ask him for armed forces in order to recover the castles and towns situated on the river Loire, that is to say Meung, Beaugency, Jargeau, so as to clear the way and make it safe for him to go to Rheims for his coronation. She urged the King eagerly and often to hasten and not to delay any longer. From that time he used all possible diligence, and he sent me, as likewise the Duke of Alençon and the other captains, with Joan, to recover the said towns and castles. . . . After the liberation of the town of Orleans the English gathered a great army to defend the towns and castles in question and those which they held. . . .” (R. 133–134)

  The German chronicle which we have already quoted gives some details about the meeting between Joan and the King at Loches: “She took her banner in her hand and rode to the King and they encountered. Then the young girl bowed her head before the King as much as she could and the King at once bade her raise it. And it was thought that he would readily have kissed her in his joy. This came to pass the Wednesday before Pentecost (May 11, 1429) and she remained with him until after the twenty-third day of May. Then the King held council on what he should do, for the young girl still wanted to take him to Rheims and crown him and proclaim him King. The King came round to her opinion. He set out hoping to win Meung and Jargeau. God willed it so and it came to pass.” (Q. iv, 497)

  It was, of course, obvious that they ought to take advantage of the effects, both moral and material, produced by their victory, and to continue the campaign with the army which had been gathered. But what should be their objective? From the strategic point of view, it would have seemed natural to attempt the reconquest of Normandy and La Beauce, in order to make an effort to regain Paris.

  The Bastard of Orleans: “I remember that after the victories of which I have spoken, the lords of the blood royal, and the captains, wanted the King to go into Normandy and not to Rheims, but the Maid was still of opinion that we should go to Rheims to consecrate the King, and she gave reason for her opinion saying that once the King should be crowned and anointed (sacré) the strength of his adversaries would go on declining and that at last they would not be able to harm him or his kingdom. All rallied to her opinion.” (R.135)

  TO RHEIMS AND BACK

  The route to Rheims is marked by the continuous line: the return is

  marked by the dotted line.

  This decision was taken during a council held by the King and into which Joan burst in order to impose her will.

  The Bastard of Orleans: “I well remember that when the King was at the castle of Loches, I went with the Maid, after the raising of the siege of Orleans, and while the King was in his chamber, in which were with him the lord Christophe de Harcourt, the bishop of Castres, confessor to the King (Gérard Machet) and the lord of Trèves who was otherwise [sic] chancellor of France (Robert le Maçon), the Maid, before entering into the chamber, knocked on the door, and, being in, fell on her knees and embraced the King’s legs, saying these words or others like them: ‘Noble Dauphin, hold not such, and such long, council but go to Rheims as soon as possible to receive a fitting crown (digne couronne, presumably “crown worthy of you”).’ Then the sire, Christophe de Harcourt, consulting with her, asked her if it was her counsel (i.e. her ‘voice’) which told her that and Joan answered ‘yes’ and that she was receiving pressing counsel on this subject. Then Christophe said to Joan, ‘Will you not tell us here, in the King’s presence, how (in what manner) your counsel speaks to you?’ She answered, flushing, ‘I see well enough what you would know and will tell you readily.’ The King said to Joan: ‘Joan, let it please you to say what he demands in the presence of those who are here.’ And she answered the King, yes, and said these words or others like them: that when something was not going well because people would not easily repose their faith in her as to what was said to her from God, she went apart and prayed to God, complaining to Him that those to whom she spoke did not readily believe her; and, her prayer to God made, she heard a voice which said to her: ‘Daughter-God (Fille-Dé), go, go, go, I shall be at your aid, go.’ And when she heard this voice, she felt a great joy and desired to be always in that state. And what is more impressive, in thus repeating these words of her voices, she herself exulted in a marvellous fashion, raising her eyes to Heaven.” (R. 134–135)

  It is manifest here that it was Joan who forced them to a decision: while they were hesitating which way to go and opinions in Council were diverse, she it was, as all the documents prove, who carried her point and so got the royal army away to Rheims, with the object of crowning the King.

  Meanwhile that army had been enlarged by an accretion of volunteers. And throughout the whole course of the Loire campaign, which was to take the army into Rheims, this “snowball” effect continued, as contemporary observers noted:

  Gobert Thibault: “Joan had the fighting men assembled between the town of Troyes and that of Auxerre, and there were many there, for all followed her.” (R.114)

  That was the essence of Joan’s mode of action. As it was magnificently expressed by the poet Alain Chartier:

  “She raised (all) spirits towards the hope of better times” (op. cit.)

  She restored their soul to a disunited and discouraged people who had lost all heart.

  There is an echo of that ardour which was generated by her presence in the letter of a young gentleman, Guy de Laval, who came with his brother André to join the royal army at Saint-Aignanen-Berry. These two brothers had an illustrious lineage since their grandmother, Anne de Laval, had been married to the Constable Bertrand Duguesclin. De Laval writes:

  “Sunday, I arrived at Saint-Aignan, where the king is, and I sent to seek and to come to my lodgings the lord of Trèves who went away to the castle—to signify to the King that I was come and to learn when it would please him that I go to him; I had answer to go there as soon as I pleased and he made me right good cheer (made me very welcome) and spoke many good words to me. . . . And arrived the Monday at Selles my lord the Duke of Alençon who had a very great company; and today I won a game of fives with him. . . . And it is said here that my lord the Constable is coming also with six hundred men-at-arms and four hundred men of draft (hommes de traits—presumably ‘pioneers’ dragging the supplies) and that Jean de la Roche comes also, and that the King never had so great a company as are hoped for here (or expected here); nor ever did men go with a better will to a task than they go to this one.”

  He goes on to give his mother a long account of how he has seen her; who had obviously excited his admiration and whom he had impatiently been waiting to see:

  “Monday I left the King’s to go Selles-en-Berry at four leagues
from Saint-Aignan and the King summoned before him the Maid who had been hitherto at Selles. And some say that this was done in my favour, that I might see her. And the Maid made my brother and me very good welcome, armed at all points save the head, and lance in hand. And after we were settled in Selles, I went to her lodging to see her; she sent for wine and told me that she would soon have me drinking wine in Paris. This seems a thing divine by her deeds, and also from seeing and hearing her. She set out Monday at vespers from Selle to go to Romorantin three leagues ahead. . . . And I saw her mount her horse, armed all in white excepting her head, a little axe in her hand (riding) a big, black charger which, at the door of her lodgings, cavorted very wildly and would not let her mount; then she said, ‘Take him to the cross,’ which was before the church, beside the road, and there she mounted without the horse moving, as if he were tied. And then she turned towards the door of the church which was quite near and said: ‘You, the priests and churchmen, make procession and prayers to God.’ And then she turned again into her road, saying, ‘Forward, forward’ (literally ‘Draw forward, draw forward’), her standard unfurled, which was carried by a pretty page, and she having in her hand a little axe. And her brother, who came a week ago, departed likewise with her, all armoured in white. . . . The Maid told me at her lodgings, when I went there to see her, that she had sent to you, grandmother, a very small golden ring, that it was a very small thing and that she would rather have sent you a better, considering your renown.” (Q. v, 105–111)

  This letter, which was written on June 8, 1429, gives a clear idea of the general tone and atmosphere which distinguished the French court at the time. And the Burgundian chroniclers give us the reverse of the coin, the discouragement which had overtaken the English army.

  “By the renown of Joan the Maid,” wrote Jean de Wavrin, “the courage of the English was much impaired and fallen off. They saw, it seemed to them, their fortune turn its wheel sharply against them, for they had already lost several towns and fortresses which had returned to their obedience to the King of France, principally by the undertakings of the Maid, some by force, others by treaty; they saw their men stricken down and did not now find them of such or so firm and prudent words as they were wont to be. Thus they were all, it seemed to them, very desirous of withdrawing on to the Normandy marches, abandoning what they held in the country of France (en lieu de France) and thereabout.” (Q. v, 418)

  This piece of evidence is of particular value since the witness in question was well-informed. Jean de Wavrin, bastard son of the Robert de Wavrin who was killed at Agincourt, was chief of a company of mercenaries employed sometimes by the Duke of Burgundy and at others by the King of England: he fought in person at the battle of Patay, as we shall see.

  To command the Loire campaign, the King chose the Duke of Alençon who directed all the operations as Dunois had directed those of Orleans. Meanwhile, the English had gathered their troops at Jargeau, or rather the remnant of the forces which had fought at Orleans, under Suffolk, while Bedford gave orders for the raising of another army which, under Falstaff’s command, was to reinforce Suffolk.

  The Duke of Alençon: “The King’s men were gathered together to the number of six hundred lances, who wanted to go to the town of Jargeau which the English held in occupation; and that night they slept in a wood. On the morrow came other soldiers of the king led by the lord Bastard of Orleans and the lord Florent d’Illiers (captain of Chateaudun) and some other captains. Once all united they found that they numbered about twelve hundred lances, and there was then argument among the captains, because some were of opinion that they should assault the town, others of the contrary opinion, assuring that the English had great strength and were there in great number. Joan, seeing that there was difficulty between them, told them that they should fear no multitude, and should make no difficulty about attacking the English, for God guided their business. She said that if she were not sure that God was directing this business, she would rather keep the sheep than expose herself to such perils. Which being heard, they made their way to the town of Jargeau, thinking to take the suburbs and there spend the night; knowing this, the English came out to meet them and at the beginning drove back the King’s men. Which seeing, Joan, taking her standard, went in to the attack exhorting the soldiers to have good courage. And they so wrought that that night the King’s soldiers lodged in the Jargeau suburbs. I think that God guided this business, for that night there was hardly any guard set, so that if the English had come out of the town, the King’s soldiers would have been in very great peril.

  “The King’s people prepared artillery and in the morning had the bombards and the machines dragged up against the town and, after several days, they held council among themselves as to what they should do against the English, who were in the town of Jargeau, to recover the town. At the time when they were holding council . . . it was decided that the town should be stormed and the heralds cried the assault. And Joan herself said to me: ‘Forward, gentle Duke, to the attack!’ and as it seemed to me that it was premature to begin the assault so swiftly, Joan said to me: ‘Doubt not, the time is come when it pleases God,’ and that one must act when God willed: ‘Act, and God will act,’ and saying to me later: ‘Ah, gentle Duke, wast thou afeared? Knowest thou not that I promised thy wife to bring thee back safe and sound?’ for in truth when I left my wife to go with Joan to the army, my wife said to Joanette (Jeanette) that she was greatly afraid for me and that I had formerly been a prisoner and that it had been necessary to give so much money for my ransom that she would readily have implored me to stay behind. Then Joan answered her: ‘Lady, fear not, I will bring him back to you safe and sound and in such state or better than now he is.’ ”

  The Duke continued,

  “During the assault on the town of Jargeau, Joan said to me at a moment when I stood in a certain spot, that I should withdraw from that spot and that if I did not withdraw, ‘that machine . . .’ showing me a machine which was in the town, ‘will kill thee’. I withdrew and shortly thereafter, at that spot whence I had withdrawn, someone was killed who was called my lord de Lude. That put me into a great fear and I marvelled at the sayings of Joan after all these events. Thereafter Joan went in to the assault and I with her. At the moment when the soldiers were invading the town, the Earl of Suffolk caused it to be cried that he wished to speak to me, but it was not heard and the assault was completed. Joan was on a (scaling) ladder, holding in hand her standard. This standard was pierced and Joan herself struck on the head by a stone which shattered on her light helmet. She herself was stricken to the ground and as she rose up she said to the soldiers, ‘Friends, friends, up, our Lord has condemned the English, in this hour they are ours, be of good heart!’ And at once the town of Jargeau was taken and the English withdrew towards the bridges and the French pursued them and in the pursuit were killed of them more than eleven hundred.”

  That happened on June 10, 1429, whereafter the French troops marched towards Meung and Beaugency.

  The Duke of Alençon: “I spent that night with some soldiers in a church near Meung where I was in great peril. And on the morrow we went towards Beaugency, and in the fields we found other soldiers of the king and there an attack was made against the English who were in Beaugency. After this attack the English abandoned the town and entered into the castle, and guards were placed facing the castle in order that they might not get out. We were before the castle when the news reached us that the lord constable was coming with soldiers: myself, Joan and the others in the army, we were ill content, wishing to withdraw from the town, for we had orders not to receive the lord constable in our company. I told Joan that if the constable came, I should go away.”

  The constable in question was Arthur de Richemont who was then in disgrace. The King had forbidden him to reappear at court. The fact is that there were struggles between rival influences about the King’s person throughout Charles’s whole reign; and Richemont’s rival was the famous La Tremoille who, at
the time, was the royal favourite. Arthur de Richemont was a powerful personality, as the future was to show. His chronicler, Guillaume Gruel, a Breton like himself and his companion in many adventures, tells, in a quite entertaining style, how Richemont, having decided to go to the King’s help despite the latter, nothing nor anybody could make him change his mind.

  Guillaume Gruel: “My lord took his way to draw nigh to Orleans, and as soon as the King heard it he sent my lord de la Jaille to meet him and he found him at Loudun. He drew him aside and told him that the King ordered him to return to his house and that he be not so bold as to advance further, and that if he passed beyond (there) the King would fight him. Then, my said lord answered that what he did was for the good of the kingdom and the King and that he would see who tried to fight him. Then the lord de la Jaille said to him, ‘My lord, it seems to me that you will do very well,’ and took my lord his way and came near to the river of Vienne and passed it by fording and from there drew towards Amboise. And there learned that the siege was at Beaugency and took the straight road directly towards La Beauce to go and join them who laid the siege.” (Q. iv, 316)